Severus, bishop of Antioch, in his homily On the Nativity and on *Stephen (the First Martyr, S00030), reflects on the imitation of Christ by Stephen. Cathedral homily 7, delivered in Greek in Antioch on the Orontes in 512. Preserved in Syriac and in Coptic fragments.
Evidence ID
E08553
Type of Evidence
Literary - Sermons/Homilies
Major author/Major anonymous work
Severus of Antioch
Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily 7 (CPG 7035.7)
The first part of the homily (§1-18) focuses on the 'Feast of the Nativity' (ܥܐܕܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܝܠܕܐ), also known as the Theophany or 'Appearance of God”'(ܡܬܚܙܝܢܘܬ ܐܠܗܐ), and dwells on the meaning and significance of the incarnation, and how it is that 'he who does not become has become”'(§2). This gives Severus the opportunity to reflect on the union of the human and divine nature in one person. Lamenting that he does not have time to expound on many other themes related to 'the coming of Christ in the flesh' (§18), Severus exhorts his audience to enjoy his words again with their festive meal at home, and to devote the whole feast-day 'to God the Word who became incarnate for us' (§19). He continues:
20 ܬܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܡܐܡܪ ܕܐܦ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܚܝ̈ܝܟܘܢ. ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܐܦ ܣܛܐܦܐܢܘܣ ܗ̇ܘ ܩܕܡܝܐ ܕܣܗ̈ܕܐ ܥܒ̣ܕ. ܟܕ ܢ̇ܩܝ ܠܗ ܠܕܡܐ ܒܝܬܝܐ. ܘܠܟܠܝܠܐ ܕܣܗܕܘܬܐ ܐܫܬܘ̣ܝ. ܐܦ ܗܕܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܚܟܡܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܗ̇ܝ ܕܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܥܡܝܩܐ ܐܝܬܝܗ̇. ܗ̇ܝ ܕܡ̇ܟܪܙܐ ܒܝܕ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܢܗ̇ ܡܬܕܒܪ̈ܢ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܕܠܐ ܡܬܚ̈ܙܝܢ ܘܡ̈ܛܫܝܢ. ܕܐܣܛܐܦܐܢܘܣ. ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ ܕܡ̇ܝܬܐ ܫܡܐ ܕܟܠܝܠܐ. ܢܗܘܐ ܪܝܫ ܬܓܡܐ ܘܩܕܡܝܐ ܕܐܓ̈ܘܢܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܟܗ̈ܢܝܐ. ܕܡܫ̇ܘܕܥ ܐܦ ܒܝܕ ܫܡܗ ܐܦ ܒܝܕ ܬܚܘܝܬܐ ܕܒܩܢܘܡܗ ܇ ܕܗ̇ܢܘܢ ܕܠܘܬܗ ܟܕ ܠܘܬܗ ܕܣܛܕܝܘܢ ܥܬܝܕܝܢ ܠܡܚ̣ܠܨ. ܠܟܠܝܠܐ ܗ̇ܘ ܕܒܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܫܡܝܐ ܢܣ̣ܒܘܢ. ܟܕ ܩ̇ܕܡ ܡ̣ܨܡܚ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ ܕܬܟ̈ܬܘܫܐ.
21 ܫ̇ܒܩ ܐܢܐ ܠܡܐܡܪ. ܕܠܗ̇ܝ ܕܠܩܘܪܒܐ ܕܡܕܡܝܢܘܬܐ ܕܗ̇ܘ ܠܡܐܬܐ. ܘܠܐ ܐܢܫ ܡܢ ܣܗ̈ܕܐ ܐܬܡ̣ܨܝ ܚ̇ܝ̣ܠܐ. ܩܕܡܐܝܬ ܡ̇ܢ ܓܝܪ. ܒܗ̇ܝ ܕܗ̣ܘ ܩܕܡܝܐ ܩ̇ܒܠ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܕܢܚ̣ܫ ܚܠܦ ܡܫܝܚܐ. ܠܐ ܡܬܦܚ̇ܡܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܒܡܝܬܪܘܬܐ. ܕܬܪ̈ܬܝܢ ܕܝܢ. ܒܗ̇ܝ ܕܒܝܕ ܬܘܪܓܡܗ ܗ̈ܘ ܛܘܒܬܢܐ ܘܐܠܗܝܐ ܠܝܘ̈ܕܝܐ ܪܕܐ. ܕܠܐ ܢܬܩܒ̣ܥܘܢ ܘܢܣ̣ܡܘܢ ܠܘܬ ܟܬܒܐ. ܪܘܚܢܐܝܬ ܕܝܢ ܠܢܡܘܣܐ ܘܠܢܒ̈ܝܐ ܢܣܬ̇ܟܠܘܢ. ܘܢܚ̇ܘܐ ܢܗܝܪܐܝܬ ܕܠܘ ܠܐܢܫ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܡܢ ܣܓ̈ܝܐܐ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܡ̇ܣ̣ܒܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܨܠܒܘ. ܐܠܐ ܠܡܠܬܐ ܗ̇ܘ ܕܐܬܒ̇ܣܪ ܘܐܬܒܪܢܫ ܡܛܠܬܢ. ܐܠܗܐ ܕܢܡܘܣܐ ܘܕܢܒ̈ܝܐ.
22 ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ ܟܕ ܒܬܪܥܝܬܗ ܐܬܚܛܦ ܡܢ ܬܐܘܪܝܐ : ܘܒܫܡܝܐ ܩܒ̣ܥ ܠܥܝ̈ܢܐ ܕܝܠܗ : ܘܠܐܪܥܐ ܫܒ̣ܩ. ܘܐܦ ܟܕ ܥܕܟܝܠ ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ ܩ̇ܐܡ ܗܘܐ. ܠܗ̇ܘ ܕܡܢܗ ܡܣܬܗܕ ܗܘܐ ܚ̣ܙܐ. ܘܟܕ ܐܬܢ̇ܩܦ ܠܗ : ܘܟܠܗ ܠܘܬ ܗ̇ܘ ܐܬܡ̇ܙܓ. ܟܦ̣ܪ ܒܗ̇ܝ ܕܒܪܢܫܐ ܢܗܘܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ. ܟܕ ܒܥ̈ܢܢܐ ܕܟܐ̈ܦܐ ܡܬܪܓܡ ܗܘܐ. ܘܒܢ̈ܬ ܩ̈ܠܐ ܕܠܐܠܗܐ ܦܐܝ̈ܢ ܐܡ̇ܪ ܗܘܐ. ܠܗ̇ܢܘܢ ܓܝܪ ܕܡ̇ܨ̇ܥܪ ܗܘܐ : ܘܩ̈ܫܝܝ ܩܕܠܐ ܘܠܐ ܓܙܥܪ̈ܐ ܒܠܒܐ ܘܒܐ̈ܕܢܐ ܩ̇ܪܐ ܗܘܐ. ܚܠܦ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܨ̇ܠܐ ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ܩܡ̇ܪ. ܡܪܝܐ ܠܐ ܬܩ̣ܝܡ ܠܗܘܢ ܚܛ̣ܝܬܐ. ܗܕܐ. ܟܕ ܐܬܕܡܝ ܠܗ̇ܘ ܕ̣ܠܦ ܗ̇ܢܘܢ ܕܨܿܠܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܒܗ ܒܥܘܙܐ ܕܚܫܐ ܐܙܥ̣ܩ. ܐܒܐ ܫܒܘܩ ܠܗܘܢ. ܡܢܐ ܓܝܪ ܥܬܝܕ ܗܘܐ ܗ̇ܘ ܕܠܝܫܘܥ ܚ̇ܙܐ ܗܘܐ. ܐܠܐܐܢ ܕܠܡ̈ܠܐ ܕܝܫܘܥ ܢܡ̇ܠܠ. ܘܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܨܝܪ̈ܐ ܕܕܡ̈ܘܬܐ ܒܓ̈ܘܢܐ ܨ̇ܝܪܝܢ : ܘܠܘܬ ܨ̇ܠܡܐ ܡܕܡ ܩܕܡ̇ܝ ܛܘܦܣܐ ܐܚܪܝܢ : ܠܘ ܠܡܕܡ ܐ̣ܪܝܢ : ܐܠܐ ܠܝܘܩܢܐ ܗ̇ܘ ܕܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܒܕܦ̈ܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܢܗܘܢ ܡܬܬܨܝܪܝܢ ܝ̇ܨܦܝܢ ܠܡܕܡ̇ܝܘ. ܗܟܢܐ ܐܦ ܣܛܐܦܐܢܘܣ ܡܢ ܪܝܫ ܬܦܢܟܐ ܝܫܘܥ. ܠܨܠܡܐ ܒܝܬܝܐ ܨܪ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܥ̇ܠܝܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܫܟܚܐ ܗܘܬ.
23 ܡܛܠܗܕܐ ܟܕ ܦ̇ܪܥ ܠܗ ܡܛܠ ܡܕܡ̇ܝܢܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܚܬܝܬܬܐ ܘܕܝܬܝܪ ܩܪܝܒܐ. ܒܩܘܪܒܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܥܒ̣ܕ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܣܓ̈ܝܐܐ ܒܪܘܚܩܐ ܐ̇ܝܬܝܢ : ܚܛܗ̈ܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܝܠܢ ܦ̇ܪܫܝܢ ܒܝܢܝܢ ܘܠܗ ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡ̣ܪ ܢܒܝܐ ܕܒܩܘܪܒܐ ܢܗܘܐ ܢܫ̇ܘܐ ܠܢ ܟܕ ܒܬܝܒܘܬܐ ܡܬ̇ܕܟܝܢܢ. ܡܛܠ ܕܟܠܗܝܢ ܡ̇ܨܐ. ܠܐ ܡܬܡ̇ܨܝܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܗ ܘܠܐ ܡܕܡ. ܠܗ̇ܘ ܕܦܐܐ ܫܘܒܚܐ ܘܐܝܩܪܐ ܘܐܘܚܕܢܐ : ܥܩ ܐܒܐ ܘܪܘܚܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ. ܗܫܐ ܘܒܟܠܙܒܢ ܘܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡ̈ܝܢ. ܐܡܝܢ.
'20 But you would have to add your whole life, as Stephen the first martyr did too, when he shed his own blood and earned the crown of martyrdom. For this, too, is an act of the wisdom of God, deeper than all things, which, by its ways, announces what is invisible and hidden, namely that Stephen—that is to say the one who introduced the name of the crown—is the head (ܪܝܫ) of the class (ܬܓܡܐ, τάγμα), in the first of the sacred contests (ܐܓ̈ܘܢܐ, ἀγώνες); who also made it known, by his name [the name ‘Stephanos’, Στέφανος, is also the Greek word for a crown], as well as by the proof which he gave in his own person, to those who go to the same stadium (ܣܛܕܝܘܢ, στάδιον) to win this crown, that they will receive it in the kingdom of heaven, whereas before the conflicts it had shone in advance.
21 I omit to say that, on this point—coming to a close imitation (ܡܕܡܝܢܘܬܐ) [of Christ]—none among the martyrs is able to rival him. First, because having received [the rank] of being the first to suffer for Christ, he has no equivalent for virtue. Second, by his excellent and divine speech, he leads the Jews not to remain fixed and blinded by what is written, but to understand the law and the prophets in a spiritual way; and to show clearly that it was not one man among many others, as they thought, whom they crucified, but the Word who became flesh and became man for us, the God of the Law and of the Prophets.
22 Then, being caught up in the spirit by contemplation and having fixed his eyes on heaven, he left the earth, and, while remaining on the earth, he saw the one of whom he was the witness attached to him and completely mingled with him. He denied that he was only a man when he was stoned under a hail of stones, and spoke words worthy of God: indeed those whom he blamed he called stiff-necked, uncircumcised in heart and ear (Acts 7:51), and he prayed for them, saying, Lord, do not impute this sin to them (Acts 7:60), being like him who, to those who crucified him, in the height of passion, cried: Father, forgive them (Luk 23:34). Indeed, what was he to do, he who saw Jesus, if not speak the words of Jesus? And just as painters (ܨܝܪ̈ܐ) who paint (ܨ̇ܝܪܝܢ) likenesses (ܕܡ̈ܘܬܐ) with colours and look at the type (ܛܘܦܣܐ, τύπος), then worry about reproducing nothing on their tablets other than the model (ܝܘܩܢܐ) that is there, so it is according to the chief prototype (ܪܝܫ ܬܦܢܟܐ) of Jesus that Stephen painted his personal image (ܨܠܡܐ) in a quite remarkable way, to the extent possible.
23 This is why, rewarding him for of his precise and evermore exact imitation (ܡܕܡܝܢܘܬܐ), it is very close to his [feast] that [God] caused the day and the feast of the Nativity to be remembered; that to us, too, who are so far away because of our sins — for our sins, as the prophet says, make a separation between us and him — may this [memory] obtain for all of us to be close to him, once purified by penance, since he can do anything, and nothing is impossible for him (Job 42:2; Luk 1:37). To him belong praise, glory and power, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, now and always and forever and ever. Amen.'
Text: M. Brière, PO 38.2, 320 and 322.
Summary: K. Papadopoulos.
Translation: K. Papadopoulos, using M. Brière.
Liturgical ActivitiesService for the saint
FestivalsSaint’s feast
Non Liturgical ActivityEcclesiastics - bishops
Theorising on SanctityConsiderations about the veneration of saints
Service for the saint
Sermon/homily
FestivalsSaint’s feast
Dating by saint’s festival
Non Liturgical ActivityTransmission, copying and reading saint-related texts
Protagonists in Cult and NarrativesEcclesiastics - bishops
Family
Jews and Samaritans
Theorising on SanctityConsiderations about the veneration of saints
Considerations about the hierarchy of saints
Considerations about the succession of saints
Source
Severus of AntiochSeverus was born c. 465 in Sozopolis in Pisidia (west central Asia Minor) to pagan parents. He studied in Alexandria and completed legal studies in Beirut. While in Beirut, he converted to Christianity, and was baptized at the shrine of Leontius in Tripoli around 488. En route back to Pisidia via Jerusalem to embark on a legal career, he was persuaded instead to adopt monastic life in Peter the Iberian’s monastery near Gaza. He progressed to solitary life in the desert of Eleutheropolis before ill health forced him to recover at the nearby monastery of Romanus. He eventually founded his own cenobitic community in Maiuma, near Gaza.
Facing increasing opposition from pro-Chalcedonian monks in Palestine, Severus joined other non-Chalcedonian monks in Constantinople from 508 to 511 to promote Miaphysite theology and push back against the pro-Chalcedonian patriarchs of Constantinople (Makedonios II), Jerusalem (Elijah I) and Antioch (Flavian II). He eventually won the trust of the emperor Anastasius (491-518).
Severus was elected bishop of Antioch, possibly on 6 November 512 (Malalas, Chronicle 16), at a synod of Laodicea (Syria I), after a protracted campaign led by Philoxenos of Mabbug to depose Flavian II. He was consecrated at the Great Church in Antioch on 16 November 512, at which time he preached the first of his 125 Cathedral Homilies, so named to reflect that they were delivered from the cathedra or episcopal throne while he was bishop. While bishop, he travelled and preached extensively, wrote hymns, and engaged in polemics against both radical anti-Chalcedonians such as Sergius the Grammarian and Chalcedonian opponents.
With the accession of Justin I to the imperial throne in 518, ecclesiastical policy favoured Chalcedonian orthodoxy, and Severus, along with 52 other non-Chalcedonian bishops from Syria and Asia Minor, was deposed. Severus fled to Egypt to escape arrest and initially settled in the monastery at Enaton. For the next twenty years, Severus travelled extensively in Egypt, continuing his polemics against Chalcedonians and combatting doctrinal divisions among the non-Chalcedonians. During this time, he effectively became the leader of the Egyptian church while still maintaining oversight of non-Chalcedonian affairs in Antioch.
In an attempt at unification, Justin’s successor Justinian (527-565) invited Severus to Constantinople. Severus travelled to the capital with his protegé Peter of Apamea and the monk Ze'ora of Amida in winter 534–535. After failing to negotiate a settlement, the three men were condemned by the council of Constantinople in 536, which also deposed patriarch Anthimius I of Constantinople for his Miaphysite leanings. On 6 August 536, an imperial edict ratified the council’s decision, exiled Severus, and ordered Severus’ works be destroyed with threats of amputation of the hand should any scribe copy them (Justinian, Novella 42). Defeated, Severus fled from Constantinople and died in semi-obscurity two years later, on 8 February 538, in Chois, Upper Egypt. A small group of adherents transported his remains by boat to the monastery of Glass at Enaton, where he had resided for many years.
A prolific author, Severus left, in addition to his 125 Cathedral Homilies, several dogmatic and polemical works, about 4000 letters of which only about 200 have survived, and over 200 hymns. A baptismal liturgy ascribed to him is not considered authentic. His homilies and hymns in particular show him to be an enthusiastic promoter of the cult of saints.
The Cathedral Homilies
Text, translation, transmission
Severus’s 125 Cathedral Homilies were delivered during the six years of his episcopacy in the see of Antioch (512–518), but only Homily 77 and a few fragments survive in the original Greek. Today, the homilies are largely known through the Syriac translations, in Coptic, and in much later translations into Arabic and Ethiopic (Ge’ez).
Soon after they were delivered, Severus’ Cathedral Homilies were collected and organized in chronological order of their composition and numbered sequentially. This arrangement probably goes back to the time of Severus himself, since Julian of Halicarnassus’ first letter to Severus, written sometime after 518, refers to one of Severus’ homilies by its number (Brière, PO 29.1, 63). The chronological order and numbering are maintained throughout the manuscript tradition.
The Cathedral Homilies were translated into Syriac no later than the mid-sixth century and organized into four books containing homilies 1-30, 31-72, 73-100, and 101-25. A large portion of the homilies are still extant in this version in four manuscripts held in the British Library (BL) and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV):
Repository Shelfmark Date Contents
BL Add MS 1459 AD 569 hom. 31-59
BAV Vat. sir 142 before AD 576 hom. 73-100
BAV Vat. sir. 143 AD 563 hom. 101-125
BAV Vat. sir. 256 6th cent. hom. 101-125
Homilies 1-30 (Book 1) and 60-72 (part of Book 2) are missing except for a few fragments.
Wright (1894, 94-95) ascribed the sixth-century translation of the homilies to Paul of Callinicum, and ostensibly did so based on the translation’s stylistic similarities with Paul’s Syriac translation of Severus’ correspondence with Julian of Halicarnassus and his three polemical works against Julian’s theology (Brière, PO 29.1, 17). Many commentators since have followed suit. But while Paul is known with certainty to have translated Severus’ anti-Julianist corpus in 528 (see note on BAV, Vat. sir. 140, fol. 145v), none of the four manuscripts which carry unrevised translations of Severus’ homilies carry Paul’s name and the attribution remains contestable.
The sixth-century translations were subsequently revised by Jacob of Edessa (c. 640-708) at the end of the seventh century. Jacob, for his part, never referred to any sixth-century translator by name and always referred to translators in the plural as 'the ancients' (ܩܕܡ̈ܝܐ) (Lash 1981, 372-373). Jacob’s version seems to have been divided into three books although the exact book division varies. In British Library, Add MS 12159 the books contain homilies 1-50, 51-90, 91-125, whereas BAV, Vat. sir. 141 contains homilies 44-91 suggesting the other parts contained 1-43 and 92-125. A colophon in BAV, Vat. sir. 141 indicates Jacob completed this revision in 700/701 but this date may simply refer to the completion of the homilies in the manuscript rather than the whole collection.
Both the sixth-century translation(s) and Jacob’s revision of Severus’ homilies include titles reflecting each homily’s contents and/or occasion. These titles sometimes differ between the sixth- and seventh-century translations, and it is possible that Severus himself used shorthand titles as he does when referring to two of his homilies in his apology for Philalethes (CSCO 319, 112-113). The first homily in each new year of his episcopacy is also noted in the manuscript tradition.
Severus’ works were copied and transmitted with great care by the non-Chalcedonian churches which eventually split from the pro-Chalcedonian, imperially backed Byzantine church. Unusual names, special words and terms were also collected and added to patristic masora, that is, handbooks titled 'words and readings' giving vocalizations of ambiguous or unfamiliar words to assist readers. Masora manuscripts such as British Library Add MS 14684, Bibliothèque nationale de France syr. 64 and Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate syr. 7/16 provide valuable information on titles or contents of homilies which are otherwise missing in the manuscript tradition.
The Coptic tradition preserves Cathedral Homilies 1 and 27 in their entirety, Homily 60 almost complete, and fragments from Homilies 2, 7, 14, 24, 28, 50, 77, 103 and 115, all in the Sahidic dialect. Additional fragments may be identified in future. The Sahidic version of the Cathedral Homilies reflects another tradition from the Syriac. A few homily fragments are also preserved in the Bohairic catenae on the gospels, most importantly British Library, Or. 8812, completed in 888/9 probably from a Greek original and published by de Lagarde (1886).
Extant quotations from Homily 22 in the 11th-century Arabic Confessions of the Fathers derive from a Coptic rather than a Syriac text (Youssef 2003). Homily fragments preserved in the Arabic gospel catenae, whose earliest extant manuscript BAV, Vat. arab. 452 dates from the 1214, seem to derive from the Bohairic (Caubet Iturbe 1969). Witakowski (2004) lists a very small inventory of Severus in Ethiopic including one inauthentic homily and two other homily fragments which have not have yet been examined.
Editions
All of Severus’ Cathedral Homilies in Syriac translation have been edited and published in Patrologia Orientalis (PO). The base manuscript for the PO edition is British Library, Add MS 12159, written in 867/868, which reflects Jacob of Edessa’s revision. As this manuscript is damaged at the beginning, homilies 1-17 have been recovered in whole or in part from other manuscripts or versions. The edition for Homily 77 includes the Greek text which is extant in its entirety. A small number of Greek, Syriac and Coptic fragments of these homilies have been published since the PO editions, and these are noted in individual entries on this database, where relevant.
Except for Homily 77 on the Resurrection (Kugener and Triffaux, PO 16.5) and Homily 52 on the Maccabees (Bensly and Barnes 1895), the sixth-century version remains unpublished.
Themes
Between 512 and 518, Severus preached a cycle of homilies each year beginning on the anniversary of his consecration, in various churches and martyr shrines in Antioch, its suburb Daphne, and towns in the surrounding regions. These locations are sometimes given in the titles. Most homilies were pre-prepared; a few were repeated (e.g., Homily 1) or extemporaneous (e.g., Homily 111). The number of times that Severus preached in each annual cycle seems to have decreased: from 33 in his first year to 14 in his fifth and 13 in his sixth (which was cut short).
The Cathedral Homilies cover a wide range of themes which Baumstark (1897, 36-39) categorized into four groups: A – important (dominical) feasts; B – saints; C – exegetical homilies for an ordinary Sunday; and D – occasional homilies preached in response to particular circumstances. Most modern commentators follow or adapt this taxonomy. About a third of the Cathedral Homilies relate to saints, but various aspects of the cult of saints are also mentioned in some of the remaining homilies. Alpi (2009, 68) counts 117 homilies addressed to the people of Antioch, thus making these homilies a valuable source for saints’ commemorations in the Antiochene church.
Homilies on saints
Severus preached annually on 1 January at the shrine of *Ignatius (bishop of Antioch and martyr of Rome, S00649) on *Basil (bishop of Caesarea, ob. 379, S00780) and *Gregory (the Theologian, of Nazianzos, S00837), whose works were influential on his formation. He also preached on feast days for *Athanasios (bishop of Alexandria, ob. 373, S00294) and *Antony (‘the Great’, monk of Egypt, ob. 356, S00098) whom he also admired. Absent are homilies on *John Chrysostom (bishop of Constantinople, ob. 407, S00779) and *Kyrillos/Cyril (bishop of Alexandria, ob. 444, S00874) whom he cited frequently but only eulogized in hymns.
In Antioch he also preached on commemoration days for *Mary (Mother of Christ, S00033) and for various biblical saints: *Jonah (Old Testament Prophet, S01237), the *Maccabean Martyrs (pre-Christian Jewish martyrs of Antioch, S00303), the *Innocents (children killed on the orders of Herod, S00268), *John the Baptist (S00020), and *Stephen (the First Martyr, S00030). He mentions the commemorations of local martyrs *Ignatius (bishop of Antioch and martyr of Rome, S00649) and *Loukianos (either the theologian and martyr of Nicomedia, S00151, or the martyr of Heliopolis-Baalbek, S00831) in passing but preaches on days commemorating *Babylas (bishop and martyr of Antioch, S00061), *Barlaam/Barlāhā (martyr of Antioch, S00417), *Romanos (deacon of Caesarea, martyred at Antioch, S00120), *Symeon the Stylite (the Elder, S00343), and *Thekla (follower of the Apostle Paul, S00092). He also preached three times on the commemoration day for *Drosis (virgin and martyr of Antioch, S01189) whose martyrium in Antioch he was refurbishing, as well as twice on the feast day of his patron saint, Leontios (martyr of Tripolis, Phoenicia, S00216), whose cult he probably introduced into Antioch. He preached on foreign saints *Dometios (monk of Syria, later 4th c., S00414), the *Forty Martyrs of Sebaste (S00103), *Ioulianos (martyr of Cilicia, buried at Antioch or in Egypt, S00305), Theodoros (soldier and martyr of Amaseia and Euchaita, S00480), and *Tarachos, Probos, and Andronikos (martyrs of Anazarbos, Cilicia, S00710), who were all commemorated in Antioch at the time, and he presided over the deposition of the relics of *Prokopios (martyr of Caesarea of Palestine, S00118) and *Phokas (martyr of Antioch, S00413) at the shrine dedicated to *Michael (the Archangel, S00181) in Antioch. In the countryside, he preached on *Thomas (the Apostle, S00199) at Seleucia, *Sergios (soldier and martyr of Rusafa, S00023) and *Bakchos (soldier and martyr of Barbalissos, S00079) at Chalcis/Qinnasrin, and *Thalelaios (martyr of Aigai, Cilicia, S01137), at Aigai.
Cathedral Homily 7: On the Nativity and On Stephen
Manuscripts, sixth century Syriac translation
British Library, Add MS 12168, fols. 166r-v 7-8th cent. [fragment of §14]
Manuscripts, Jacob of Edessa’s revision
British Library, Add MS 12159* 8th cent.* [hom. 7 missing*]
British Library, Add MS 14725, fols. 17v-20r 10th cent. [lacunary]
Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate, 12/19, fols. 51r-53v 10/11th cent. [§21-22 damaged]
Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate, 12/20, fols. 53r-v, 55r-57v Nov. 1000 [§1-6 damaged]
Manuscripts, Coptic fragments
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Copte 131 (1), fol. 32r-v undated [end of hom. 7]
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Copte 131 (7), fol. 73r undated [title + parts of hom. 7]
Edition
Brière 1976 (PO 38.2), 309-323.
The edition is based on manuscript 12/20 (November 1000) held by the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate in Damascus, as reordered by Sauget, except for section 1 to section 6 line 3 of the homily, which is taken from manuscript 12/19 (X/XI).
The Coptic fragments are unedited.
Discussion
Which commemoration?Homily 7 was preached on a feast day given Severus mentions 'celebrating' (ܥܒ̣ܕ) and setting aside 'this entire feast day' (ܠܟܠܗ ܝܘܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܕܥܐܕܐ, §19), but as Severus spoke about both the Nativity and Stephen, which celebratory day is meant is less clear. Early editors and scribes were similarly unsure. The homily is missing from the eighth-century British Library Add MS 12159. The title on the tenth- or eleventh-century Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate manuscript 12/19 reads:
'By holy patriarch Severus: homily on the Nativity, that is, the Manifestation (ܕܢܚܐ). He then mentions the commemoration of Mar Stephanos; that is why the end of the homily also deals with the martyr.'
But the mutilated title in the tenth-century British Library Add MS 14725 suggests otherwise:
'Homily 7. On the Nativity, that is, the manifestation, by holy Mar Severus, patriarch. It was pronounced on (the day of) the commemoration of St Stephen, that is why the end of his (homily) also deals with the martyr.'
It seems more plausible that Severus preached this on the feast of the Nativity, since, after discussing the meaning of the Nativity, and before any mention of Stephen, he refers to his audience going home for a celebratory meal, thus implying that the feasting was for the Nativity. Secondly, it would also be unusual to expound on the theology of a feast day that has just passed, rather than speak about the theology of a present and/or upcoming celebration. Finally, and as reasoned by Brière (PO 29.1, 51n2), Homilies 83 and 101 are explicitly entitled as Severus’ fourth and fifth homilies on the Nativity respectively. Consequently, Homilies 36 and 63 on the Nativity would be the second and third. This leaves one Nativity homily to be found, with our Homily 7 as the most likely candidate.
When?
If preached on the feast of the Nativity, Homily 7 can be confidently dated to 25 December 512. Around 386 to 388, John Chrysostom noted in his homily In diem natalem (CPG 4334) that it was 'not yet the tenth year' since his Antiochene community had been commemorating the Nativity on 25 December (PG 49, 351) and by Severus’ time, the 25 December date was firmly entrenched in the Antiochene calendar.
It would make sense for Stephen to be commemorated immediately following the Nativity, on 26 December, given Severus’ explanation that Stephen’s close and exact imitation of Christ is why the two feasts were placed so close together, but it does not necessarily have to be on consecutive days to be 'near'. The earliest attestation of the feast of Stephen is in the Syriac martyrology (calendar of saints) in British Library Add MS 12150, dated 411, and written in Edessa. Here Stephen is commemorated on 26 December (E01396) 'according to the Greeks'. The 26 December date seems to have been held in the West and among the Armenians, while Stephen’s commemoration moved to 27 December in many places in the East (Labardie 2021, 293-314). This may be because of the introduction of a commemoration of Mary the Virgin Mother on 26 December, which displaced Stephen’s feast by one day but nevertheless did not disturb the symbolic nature of the commemoration. In a seventh-century Syriac martyrology in British Library, Add MS 17134, likely written at the monastery of Qenneshre, whose monks were key protagonists in the preservation of Severus’ work, 26 December is reserved for the 'Mother of God', while Stephen is commemorated on 27 December. This manuscript also contains hymns by Severus and others.
Where?
If, as argued above, the homily was delivered on the feast of the Nativity, it is likely to have been preached in the Great Church, which functioned as Antioch’s cathedral at this time (Mayer and Allen 2012, 68-80). A martyrium of Stephen did, however, exist at Antioch by the mid-sixth century (see E05735).
What?
Severus draws on images found in earlier Greek homilies on Stephen (for example, Gregory of Nyssa, Asterius of Amasea, Hesychius of Jerusalem, Proclus of Constantinople, Pseudo-Chrysostom): Stephen as imitator of Christ, as the first martyr, the first to shed blood, the first to receive the crown (στέφανος) of martyrdom, the play on the name of the crown and Stephanos (Στέφανος), Stephen as reproach of the Jews.
Severus exhorts his audience to dedicate their whole life to God, just as Stephen the first martyr did, to the point of shedding his own blood.
He asserts that the crown (στέφανος) of martyrdom took its name from Stephen (Στέφανος), before explaining that God in his wisdom, revealed Stephen to be first both in terms of priority and rank. Stephen is the head of the class (τάγμα) in the first of the sacred contests (ἀγώνες), and that both by his name and his actions, Stephen proves that those who follow him ‘to the same stadium’ to win the crown will receive it in the kingdom of heaven.
Stephen is unrivalled as an imitator of Christ because he was first to suffer for Christ and can therefore not be surpassed, and because he successfully refuted the Jews and showed them the truth about who Christ was.
When describing Stephen’s vision of Christ, Severus draws entirely from Acts 7 but uses the opportunity to describe Christ as completely mingled with Stephen’s flesh and not just a man, thus promoting his Miaphysite Christology while simultaneously rejecting any separation of the divine and human nature of Christ and any denial of Christ’s divinity.
Severus draws on the concept of artistic creation as imitation (see Plato, Respublica 10.598A-B) which was also taken up by other late antique Christian preachers (e.g., John Chrysostom, In Act. hom. 30 [PG 60.227-28]), to describe Stephen’s imitation of Christ in terms of Stephen fashioning his personal image upon the 'chief prototype (or archetype) Jesus'. He makes the startling claim that God caused the Nativity to be remembered 'very close' to Stephen’s commemoration as a reward for Stephen’s 'precise and evermore exact' imitation. This could imply that the date of Stephen’s commemoration had been established before the 25 December date for the feast of the Nativity, which is certainly plausible: the Syriac martyrology of 411, for example, has a commemoration for Stephen on 26 December—the oldest attested date—and a day for Epiphany but none for the Feast of the Nativity which also suggests Stephen’s memorial day is older than the day of the Nativity. On the other hand, it may have simply been a rhetorical ploy to link the feast of Stephen to the main theological theme of the homily—the Nativity—and to express his wish that the day bring those far away because of sin near to God through penance.
The homily makes no mention of relics or miracles, nor does it hint at any contention over the date of Stephen’s commemoration. There is no indication that either the feast of the Nativity or the feast of Stephen represents the start of the ecclesiastical year or liturgical cycle.
Bibliography
Text and French Translation:Brière, M., and F. Graffin (eds. and trans.), “Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d’Antioche: Homélies I à XVII”, Patrologia Orientalis 38.2 (1976), 253-269.
Further reading:
Severus
Allen, P., and C. T. R. Hayward, Severus of Antioch (The Early Church Fathers; London: Routledge, 2004), 3-55.
Alpi, F., La route royale: Sévère d’Antioche et les églises d’Orient (512-518). 2 vols. (Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 188; Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient, 2009), 1:188-193.
Hay, K., “Severus of Antioch: An inheritor of Palestinian monasticism”, ARAM 15 (2003), 159-171.
Cathedral Homilies Text, Transmission and Studies
Baumstark, A. “Das Kirchenjahr in Antiocheia zwischen 512 und 518”, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 11 (1898), 31-66.
Bensly, R.L., and W.E. Barnes, The Fourth Book of Maccabees and Kindred Documents in Syriac (Cambridge, 1895), 76-88 (hom. 55 sixth century) and 90-102 (Jacob’s revision).
Brière, M. et al., “Les Homiliae Cathedrales de Sévère d’Antioche. Traduction syriaque de Jacques d’Edesse”, Patrologia Orientalis 4.1, 8.2, 12.1, 16.5, 20.2, 22.2, 23.1, 25.1, 25.4, 26.3, 29.1, 35.3, 36.1, 36.3, 36.4, 37.1, 38.2 (1908-1976).
Brière, M., “Introduction générale aux homélies de Sévère d’Antioche”, Patrologia Orientalis 29.1 (1960), 7-76.
Brock, S. P., “Jacob the Annotator: Jacob’s Annotations to His Revised Translation of Severus’ Cathedral Homilies”, in: Gregorios Ibrahim and George Kiraz (eds.), Studies on Jacob of Edessa (Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies 28; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2010), 1-14.
de Lagarde, P., Catenae in Evangelia Aegyptiacae quae supersunt (Göttingen, 1886).
Caubet Iturbe, F. J., La cadena arabe del Evangelio de San Mateo, 2 vols. (Studi e Testi 254-255; Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1969-1970).
King, D., “Paul of Callinicum and his Place in the History of Syriac Literature”, Le Muséon 120 (2007), 327-349.
Lash, C. J. A., “Techniques of a Translator: Work-Notes on the Methods of Jacob of Edessa in Translating the Homilies of Severus of Antioch”, in: F. Paschke (ed.), Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (TU 125; Berlin: Akademie, 1981), 365-383.
Loopstra, J., The Patristic “Masora”: A Study of Patristic Collections in Syriac Handbooks from the Near East (CSCO 689 / Syr. 265; Louvain: Peeters, 2020).
Petit, F., La Chaîne sur la Genèse. Édition integrale, 4 vols. (Traditio Exegetica Graeca 1-4; Louvain: Peeters, 1991-1996).
Petit, F., La chaîne sur l’Exode. Edition integrale I: Fragments de Sévère d’Antioche (Traditio Exegetica Graeca 1; Louvain: Peeters, 1999).
Petit, F. (ed. and French trans.), and L. Van Rompay (Syriac glossary), Sévère d’Antioche: Fragments grecs tirés des chaînes sur les derniers livres de l’Octateuque et sur les Règnes(Traditio Exegetica Graeca 14; Louvain: Peeters, 2006).
Roux, R., L’exegese biblique dans les Homelies Cathedrales de Severe d’Antioche (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 87; Rome: Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 2002).
Schulz, M. H. O., “14. An Overview of Research on Bohairic Catena Manuscripts on the Gospels with a Grouping of Arabic and Ethiopic (Gəʿəz) Sources and a Checklist of Manuscripts”, in: H. A. G. Houghton (ed.), Commentaries, Catenae and Biblical Tradition (Text and Studies 13; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2016), 295-330.
Toilliez, G., “Rendre témoignage à la maison de Jacob: Sévère d’Antioche, pasteur et prédicateur, d’après ses ‘Homélies Cathédrales’ (512-518)” (PhD diss.; Université de Strasbourg, 2020).
Van Rompay, L., “Jacob of Edessa and The Sixth-Century Syriac Translator of Severus of Antioch’s Cathedral Homilies”, in: B. ter Haar Romeny (ed.), Jacob of Edessa and the Syriac Culture of His Day (Monographs of the Peshitta Institute 18; Leiden: Brill, 2006), 189-204.
Van Rompay, L., “Severus, patriarch of Antioch (512-538), in the Greek, Syriac, and Coptic traditions”, Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 8 (2008), 3-22.
Witakowski, W., “Severus of Antioch in Ethiopian Tradition”, in: V. Böll, D. Nosnitsin, T. Rave, W. Smidt, E. Sokolinskaia (eds.), Studia Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), 115-25.
Wright, W., A Short History of Syriac Literature (Cambridge, 1894), 94-95.
Youssef, Y. N., “The Quotations of Severus of Antioch in the Book of the Confessions of the Fathers”, Ancient Near East Studies 40 (2003), 173-224.
Antioch
Alpi, F., “Société et vie profane à Antioche sous le patriarcat de Sévère (512-518)”, in: B. Cabouret, P.-L. Gatier, C. Saliou (eds.), Antioche de Syrie. Histoires, images et traces de la ville antique (Topoi. Orient-Occident. Supplément 5; Lyon: Maison de l'Orient Méditerranéen - Jean Pouilloux, 2004), 519-542.
De Giorgi, A. U., and A. Asa Eger, Antioch: A History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2021).
Downey, G., Ancient Antioch (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961).
Mayer, W., and P. Allen, The Churches of Syrian Antioch (300–638 CE) (Late Antique History and Religion 5; Leuven: Peeters, 2012).
Stephen
Allen, P., “Severus of Antioch. Homilies and Hymns on Martyrs”, in: F. P. Barone, C. Macé, P. A. Ubierna (eds.), Philologie, herméneutique et histoire des textes entre Orient et Occident: Mélanges en hommage à Sever J. Voicu (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia 73; Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 323-341.
Labadie, D., L’invention du protomartyr Etienne sainteté, pouvoir et controverse dans l’Antiquité (Ier-VIe s.) (Judaïsme ancien et origines du christianisme 21; Turnhout: Brepols, 2021).
Méndez, H., The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr (Oxford Early Christian Studies; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022).
Record Created By
Katherin Papadopoulos
Date of Entry
08/07/2024
| ID | Name | Name in Source | Identity | S00030 | Stephen, the First Martyr | ܣܛܐܦܐܢܘܣ | Certain |
|---|
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Katherin Papadopoulos, Cult of Saints, E08553 - http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E08553